Monthly Archives: April 2010

Seek Peace, Not Values

David Chalmers has a new paper on future artificial minds:

If humans survive, the rapid replacement of existing human traditions and practices would be regarded as subjectively bad by some but not by others. … The very fact of an ongoing intelligence explosion all around one could be subjectively bad, perhaps due to constant competition and instability, or because certain intellectual endeavours would come to seem pointless. On the other hand, if superintelligent systems share our values, they will presumably have the capacity to ensure that the resulting situation accords with those values. …

If at any point there is a powerful AI+ or AI++ with the wrong value system, we can expect disaster (relative to our values) to ensue. The wrong value system need not be anything as obviously bad as, say, valuing the destruction of humans. If the AI+ value system is merely neutral with respect to some of our values, then in the long run we cannot expect the world to conform to those values. For example, if the system values scientific progress but is neutral on human existence, we cannot expect humans to survive in the long run. And even if the AI+ system values human existence, but only insofar as it values all conscious or intelligent life, then the chances of human survival are at best unclear.

Chalmers is an excellent philosopher, but to me the above reflects an unhealthy obsession with foreigner values, one common among the economically-illiterate.  So let me try to educate him (and you).

Why fear future robots with differing values? Here is one possible cause:

Fear Of Strangers:  Our distant ancestors evolved a deep fear of strangers.  They knew that their complex ways to keep peace only worked for folks they knew, who looked, talked, and acted like them.  Unexpected strangers were probably best killed on sight.

This is a good explanation, but much less a good reason, to fear robots.  Over recent millennia humans have developed many ways, e.g., trade, contract, law, and treaties, to keep peace with folks who look, talk, and act differently.  We only need others to be similar enough to us to use these methods; they need to know what equilibrium behavior to expect, and to speak in languages we can translate. They don’t otherwise need to share our values.

But even if peace is preserved, other reasons for fear remain:

Outbid By Rich:  In some situations you can reasonably expect declining relative future wealth for yourself and those you care about.  For example, a century ago folks who foresaw cars replacing horses, and who had a very strong heritable preference for working with horses, could reasonably expect falling demand, and lower relative wages, for their preferred job skills. (The horses themselves did far worse; most could not afford subsistence wages.)  Now for many things you want it is absolute, not relative, wages that matter.  But some things, like prime sea-view property, can be commonly valued and in limited supply.  So you might fear others’ richer descendants outbidding yours for sea views.

Note that this fear requires an expectation that, relative to others, your nature or preferences conflicts more with your productivity.  Note also that in some ways this problem gets worse as others get more similar.  For example, if others prefer mountain views while you prefer sea views, their wealth would less reduce your access to sea views.  If this is the problem, you should prefer others to have different values from you.

What if you worry that rich others threaten your descendants’ existence, and not just their sea view access?  Well since interest rates have long been high, and since typical wages are now far above subsistence, then modest savings today, and secure property rights tomorrow, could ensure many surviving descendants tomorrow.  But you might still fear:

War & Theft:  Over the last few centuries we have vastly improved our ability to coordinate on larger scales, greatly reducing the rate of war, theft, and other property violations. Nevertheless, war and theft still happen, and we cannot guarantee recent trends will continue.  So many fear foreign nations, e.g., China or India, getting rich and militarily powerful, then seeking world conquest.  One may also fear theft of one’s innovations if intellectual property rights remain weak.

Note that these new ways to coordinate on large scales to prevent war and theft rely little on our empathy for, or similarity with, distant others.  They depend far more on our ways to make commitments and to monitor key acts.  And the mere possibility of future theft would hardly be a good reason for genocide today; we now seem to benefit greatly on net when distant foreigners get rich.  This doesn’t mean we should ignore the risks of future war and theft, but it does suggest that our efforts should focus more on improving our ways to coordinate on large scales, and less on preparing to exterminate them before they exterminate us.

Chalmers does not say why exactly we should expect robots with the “wrong” values to give “disaster,” so much so that he is sympathetic to preventing their autonomy if only that were possible:

We might try to constrain their cognitive capacities in certain respects, so that they are good at certain tasks with which we need help, but so that they lack certain key features such as autonomy. … On the face of it, such an AI might pose fewer risks than an autonomous AI, at least if it is in the hands of a responsible controller.  Now, it is far from clear that AI or AI+ systems of this sort will be feasible. … Such an approach is likely to be unstable in the long run.

Chalmers offers no reasons to fear robots beyond the three standard reasons to fear foreigners I’ve listed above: fear of strangers, outbid by rich, and war & theft.  Nor does he offer reasons why it is robots’ differing values that are the problem, even though differing values are mainly only important for the fear of strangers motive, which has little relevance in the modern world.  Until we have particular credible reasons to fear robots more than other foreigners, we should treat robots like generic foreigners, with caution but also an expectation of mutual gains from trade.

Finally, let me note that Chalmers’ discussion could benefit from economists’ habit of noting that our ability to make most anything depends on the price of inputs, and therefore on the entire world economy, and not just on internal features of particular systems. Chalmers:

All we need for the purpose of the argument is (i) a self-amplifying cognitive capacity G: a capacity such that increases in that capacity go along with proportionate (or greater) increases in the ability to create systems with that capacity, (ii) the thesis that we can create systems whose capacity G is greater than our own, and (iii) a correlated cognitive capacity H that we care about, such that certain small increases in H can always be produced by large enough increases in G.

Unless the “system” here is our total economy, this description falsely suggests that a smaller system’s capacity to create other systems depends only on its internal features.

Added 6Apr: From the comments it seems my main point isn’t getting through, so let me rephrase: I’m not saying we have nothing to fear from robots, nor that their values make no difference.  I’m saying the natural and common human obsession with how much their values differ overall from ours distracts us from worrying effectively.  Here are better priorities for living in peace with strange potentially-powerful creatures, be they robots, aliens, time-travelers, or just diverse human races:

  1. Reduce the salience of the them-us distinction relative to other distinctions.  Try to have them and us live intermingled, and not segregated, so that many natural alliances of shared interests include both us and them.
  2. Have them and us use the same (or at least similar) institutions to keep peace among themselves and ourselves as we use to keep peace between them and us.  Minimize any ways those institutions formally treat us and them differently.

Added 7Apr: See also two posts from October.

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Consciousness as Middleman

First thing we do, let’s kill all the lawyers. King Henry VI

People have long been suspicious of “middlemen,” e.g., traders, lawyers, bankers, salesman, marketers, managers, and politicians.  For millennia, most people have suspected such middlemen of being mostly social parasites, and many “Utopian” reforms have planned to eliminate them.  Economists have faced an uphill battle arguing that middlemen usually serve important functions.  Among intellectuals, engineers and physical scientists find it especially hard to appreciate roles other than designing, building, maintaining, fueling, and distributing physical goods.

A similar scenario plays out today for the “middlemen” of our minds.  Engineers and physical scientists can see the value of big human brains for solving puzzles or making and using tools.  But such folks find it harder to see functions of play, laughter, friendship, love, music, art, stories, and consciousness. They sort of see that our best theories suggest these have important social functions, but they presume this is a temporary glitch, due to our stupidity or hostility; they can’t imagine really advanced efficient societies retaining such things.  They don’t get that coordination is hard.  So when they consider how our descendants minds may evolve in the future, they feel confident that puzzle-solving must remain, but fear that the rest will disappear.

For example, I just finished the (good) hard science fiction novel Blindsight by Peter Watts (free here), whose main theme is that consciousness is a parasite, which efficient aliens avoid.  Spoiler quotes below the fold: Continue reading "Consciousness as Middleman" »

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Trade Made Farms

In her [1969] book The Economy of Cities, Jane Jacobs makes the controversial claim that city-formation preceded the birth of agriculture.

I’d never heard this before Garret Jones told me a few days ago.  So I read Jacobs’ book, found her theory quite plausible, and then sought criticism online.  I found:

The noted urban critic and scholar Jane Jacobs … argues that cities arose before agriculture. … Jacobs claims that she “asked anthropologists how they know agriculture came before cities” (p.44) but they could not answer her.  Here is the reply … read any introductory textbook in world prehistory.  Agriculture came before cities. Period. End of argument. The evidence is conclusive. Jacobs is wrong. This should be the end of the story. But wait, Jacobs was a popular and controversial figure in urban studies, and many scholars want to accept her arguments.

Seeking such a world prehistory text, I found:

The growth of the cities of Mesopotamia was based on the production of agricultural surplus. This surplus depended on irrigation agriculture, which required the organization of large work crews to build and maintain canals.

OK, so I’ll accept that most texts agree.  But this text just makes a bald claim; it doesn’t offer supporting evidence.  Wikipedia and an ‘05 econ review on farming’s origin both give lists of disparate theories and say none is accepted.  Jacobs’ theory seems better than most, and neither source offers contrary evidence.  In fact:

Evidence indicates that sedentary communities emerged in the Near East up to 3000 years before the birth of agriculture. …  The first domesticates ‘probably appeared near latrines, garbage heaps, forest paths and cooking-places where humans unintentionally had disseminated seeds from their favourite wild grasses, growing nearby’. … There is evidence that … tools for agricultural production were already available to the foragers who eventually took up farming, … that agriculture appeared in relatively complex, affluent societies, where a wide variety of foods were available and that these societies were circumscribed by other societies whose environmental zones were poorer in resources.

These all support Jacobs.  To my mind the main datum needing explanation is the fact that within a few (or at most tens of) thousands of years, human population doubling times went from many tens thousands of years to just a thousand years.  Jacobs proposed that the key change was the creation of large local trading regions around trading hubs, and especially their merging into continent-spanning trade networks.  This allowed innovations to spread far more quickly than among isolated nomadic foragers.  Trade and trade centers were important well before farming, and while farming tricks were among the more important innovations that spread in this new rapid communication system, it is a mistake to see them as fundamental.  The main reason we saw them appear just when many other key changes appeared was because the innovation rate changed.

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Young Heads, Old Hearts

If a man is not a socialist in his youth, he has no heart. If he is
not a conservative by the time he is 30 he has no head.

Francois Guisot (1787-1874) said this first re “republican” while French Premier Georges Clemenceau (1841-1929) changed it to “socialist”, and many others, including Winston Churchill have since said similar things. But new results seem to conflict:

We presented 60 younger and 60 older adults with health care choices that required them to hold in mind and consider multiple pieces of information. … The emotion-focus condition asked participants to focus on their emotional reactions to the options. … The information-focus condition … instructed to focus on the specific attributes, report the details about the options, and then make a choice. … Decision quality data indicate that younger adults performed better in the information-focus than in the control condition whereas older adults performed better in the emotion-focus and control conditions than in the information-focus condition. …

Fluid intelligence, that is, deliberative/effortful processing, peaks early in life followed by a steady decline thereafter. This component of intelligence comprises several subcomponents that all show consistent age-related decline including speed of information processing, temporary storage of information (i.e., short-term memory), and the storage and manipulation of information (i.e., working memory). Emotional processing, in contrast, appears to be well maintained at older ages.  More important, this selective preservation of emotional processing is found even in working memory. …

Previous research has linked this age-related emphasis on emotion-regulatory goals to preferential processing of emotionally salient and positively valenced material among older relative to younger adults. … In advertising contexts, older adults prefer and better remember ads with emotionally meaningful appeal whereas younger adults prefer and better remember ads with knowledge-related appeal.

So do young folks actually choose socialism with their heads, or are they mistakenly listening to their hearts instead of their heads?  Do old folks actually reject socialism with their hearts, not their heads?  Do we even know that old folks actually like socialism less than young folks?

Added 11:30a: Four (!) comments point to OKCupid results suggesting young and old adults are economically socialist, while kids and the middle-aged are not, for self-interest reasons.  People do seem to get more consistently socially restrictive with age, so maybe that is more tied to the young heads vs. old hearts trend.

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Diversity Classes Fail

A [literature survey] published last year … and found no empirical support for the idea that diversity training programs change attitudes or behavior. Similarly, a 2008 literature review … found … there were few trustworthy studies – and decidedly mixed results among those. And research by a team of sociologists on more than 800 companies over three decades has found that the best diversity training programs make little difference in who gets hired and promoted, and many programs actually decrease the number of women and minorities in management. …

Practitioners and some scholars disagree, arguing … the field as a whole has begun to figure out what works. The changes that training triggers can often be subtle, defenders argue, and, in a setting as dynamic and stubbornly multivariate as the workplace, it’s all but impossible to come up with the clear, falsifiable evidence social science demands. The poor results that do show up in broad-based studies, they say, are due to companies whose commitment to diversity training programs is merely pro forma, and who see training as just a way to protect themselves from lawsuits. …

What worked much better than even the best training … were more structural measures: minority mentoring programs, or designating an executive or a task force with specific responsibility to change promotion practices.

More here. So if courts would just clearly signal that they will no longer give firms legal credit in bias lawsuits for having diversity programs, firms would quickly stop, and we’d stop wasting billions.  Will courts do this?

Not anytime soon.  Admitting these programs don’t work would lower the status of legal elites who suggested they would work, and such elites can rationalize this expense as a signal of our society’s commitment to diversity.

The problem is that while “burning money” can indeed signal values, it can be hard to tell what values exactly it signals.  Elites might say diversity programs show our concern for to minorities, but observers may come to reasonably see them as showing only a concern for the high status of current legal elites.

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All Big Questions Or None?

As an intellectual, should you tackle big or small problems?  You might think you face a trade-off: since big problems are harder, you should either tackle many small problems or a few big ones.  You could invest in learning a tool-set for tackling a long stream of similar and moderately important problems, or you could learn everything about a particular very important problem in the hopes of finding a solution.

In fact, however, the folks I’ve known who focus on big problems usually try to tackle more problems than those who tackle small problems!  I’m guilty of this, as is Steven Landsburg, who takes on twenty big questions in his latest book, The Big Questions. It seems that most intellectuals either refuse to engage big questions, or they have a life-long quest to personally answer all big questions!  Many of the later are embarrassed to hear of a big question they have not pondered.  Why?!

One might argue that there are two basic intellectual strategies, focusing on something particular, or looking for connections between varied things, and that the connection strategy is more likely to lead to big innovations.  But even if true, this doesn’t justify trying to tackle specific big problems, much less all of them, rather than just telling folks about the connections one finds.

My guess is that there are two key kinds of intellectual status; one goes to those who make any clear contributions whatsoever, no matter how trivial, and the other goes to those who can talk thoughtfully about a wide range of big topics, even if they make no progress on them.  Far too little status, relative to the effort required, awaits those who actually make progress on big questions, which is why so few folks focus on big questions.

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Open Thread

This is our monthly place to discuss relevant topics that have not appeared in recent posts.

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